We've always been huge Halo fans here at Retro Dodo Towers. I grew up playing these games with my friends at school, getting in a quick deathmatch before exams and playing when we should have been revising.
We ranked the Halo games back in 2022 and put Halo 3 in a respectable 4th position, taking us back to 2007 when the game first released. But if you live in Glendale, Colorado and want an even bigger reminder of what it felt like when this game came out, then just head down to your local GameStop, where you'll find an original promotional mural that was put up when the game launched.
The Glendale GameStop branch has had this mural up on the wall since 2007; that's almost two decades of the Master Chief looking out over the citizens of Colorado and keeping them safe. The mural itself shows some explosive firepower and the Master Chief looking awesome as usual, and the GameStop X account has assured the rest of the world that the store won't be taking the mural down anytime soon.
We’ll take it down when something better comes out. https://t.co/4uzvNmCuKA
— GameStop (@gamestop) October 6, 2025
The Halo 3 mural has brought gaming fans from all over the United States to Glendale to check it out, acting as a sort of Microsoft-based pilgrimage site. It's definitely made me go back and replay some Halo before writing this article, and I love that a store on the other side of the world from me is making a stand and keeping retro alive for new generations.
A Saitama Prefectural Assembly member is facing intense criticism for saying that “foreigners do not have fundamental human rights.” Lawmakers from multiple parties condemned the comment as discriminatory and “highly inappropriate.”
Moroi Masahide, a 56-year-old independent representative from Saitama’s eastern second district, made the remark during a general assembly meeting on October 1. He referenced crimes involving foreign nationals while questioning Governor Ōno Motohiro about public safety measures.
Moroi said, “Foreigners are legally in a different position from Japanese citizens,” and added that “foreigners lack fundamental human rights.”
Governor Ōno immediately rejected the statement. “I don’t believe this notion that foreigners have no fundamental human rights,” he said. He added, “We must ensure public safety for everyone, regardless of nationality or ethnicity.”
The comment drew sharp criticism across party lines. Liberal Democratic Party member Tamura Takumi called the remark “deeply ignorant and unworthy of a prefectural representative.”
Shiroshita Noriko, head of the Japanese Communist Party’s Saitama group, also criticized Moroi. She noted that Moroi had supported the Saitama Children and Youth Basic Ordinance last year, which guarantees human rights “without distinction of race or nationality.”
Facing backlash, Moroi later explained to The Asahi Shimbun that his words were “incomplete due to time limitations.” He said, “Of course, foreigners have human rights as human beings, but they do not have the same rights as Japanese citizens.” He added that he may request the deletion of the statement from the official record.
Leading factions in the prefectural assembly expressed concern over Moroi’s remarks. In an interview, Moroi explained, “Foreigners in Japan do not have voting rights or the right to run for office. They do have fundamental human rights as human beings, but I did not have time to explain this fully.”
The controversy has reignited debate over Japan’s treatment of foreigners and refugees, particularly in Kawaguchi, a city in Saitama Prefecture home to one of Japan’s largest Kurdish communities. For many residents, Moroi’s words are more than a political misstep. They reflect the deep structural exclusion that non-Japanese residents face in a country that has long resisted immigration.
Kawaguchi, just north of Tokyo, is home to an estimated 2,000 Kurdish residents, many of whom fled conflict and persecution in Turkey starting in the 1990s. Japan does not officially recognize Kurdish asylum seekers as refugees, and many have spent years in legal limbo. They are often unable to work, access healthcare, or travel freely.
Kawaguchi itself has one of Japan’s highest percentages of foreign residents, with 8.3% of the population classified as non-Japanese as of June 2025. Kurdish residents live in Kawaguchi and nearby Warabi City. Many originally fled persecution in Turkey, part of the broader Kurdistan region that was divided among Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria after World War I. The first significant wave of Kurdish arrivals came in the 1990s under a visa-waiver program for short-term stays.
Today, Kurdish residents in Japan fall into two main legal categories. Some hold designated-activities visas, allowing them to work while asylum claims are under review.
Others are under provisional release, having had applications rejected but remaining free from detention. This second group—about 700 people in Saitama—lives in legal uncertainty, unable to work, access healthcare, or fully participate in society. While some local tensions are attributed to the Kurdish community, experts argue that prolonged uncertainty and social exclusion are the real sources of unease.
Due to this legal ambiguity, children often fall through the gaps. In 2024, a school in Saitama expelled a student after her parents’ immigration status lapsed. However, the Japanese government’s official guidance is that students should be accepted into compulsory education in such circumstances.
Moroi’s comments come amid rising anti-immigrant rhetoric in Japan, which has gained traction among far-right groups such as Sanseito. Online, nationalist commentators frequently link foreign residents to crime or social unrest, even though data from Japan’s National Police Agency show that crime rates among foreigners are lower than those of Japanese citizens.
In Saitama, nationalist demonstrations have occasionally targeted Kurdish neighborhoods, calling for deportations. The Kawaguchi Kurdish Cultural Center has reported harassment, including hate messages and surveillance by right-wing groups.
The broader political climate also highlights the mainstreaming of anti-immigrant sentiment. Founded in 2020, Sanseito remained on the political fringes until the July 2025 upper house election, when it won 14 seats and secured 12.5% of the proportional vote. Analysts attribute the party’s rise to populist messaging, media exposure, online mobilization, and its ability to appeal to voters disillusioned with established politics.
Nonfiction writer Ishido Satoru describes Sanseito as a “populist movement built on anti-globalist sentiment,” noting its ideological flexibility, what he calls “the strength and weakness of right-wing populism.” The party’s adoption of the slogan “Japan First” marked a deliberate shift toward nationalism. It resonated with audiences concerned about perceived threats to traditional identity and sovereignty.
Although Sanseito’s leaders generally avoid overt hate speech, their rhetoric about “protecting Japan from foreign influence” has helped normalize exclusionary narratives once confined to the margins. This climate has emboldened online nationalist voices, who continue to link foreign residents to crime or social disorder despite official statistics showing otherwise.
The debate is further complicated by statements from prominent national figures.
Takaichi Sanae, the newly elected leader of the Liberal Democratic Party and likely Japan’s next prime minister, has a record of controversial statements about foreigners. In September, she claimed that foreign tourists had harmed deer in Nara Park, despite a lack of evidence that such behavior is widespread. The comments prompted backlash from local civic groups and media scrutiny.
「外国人に基本的人権ない」埼玉県議が議会で発言 各会派が問題視 朝日新聞
「基本的人権が外国人にはない」埼玉県議会で発言 諸井真英議員、質問終了後に取り消し…その真意は 東京新聞
参政党はなぜ、かくも躍進したのか 産経新聞
党内有数のタカ派・高市氏、総裁選でも外国人巡る発言で批判招く…識者「総裁の発言はより慎重に」読売新聞
Before George Wunder took on the impossible task of following Milt Caniff on Terry and the Pirates, he was a staff artist with Associated Press. During World War II he created some eye-popping full page illustrations for AP which were widely printed by client papers. This impressive bird’s-eye view of a coastal city’s response system to air raids is both visually stunning and full of information of great interest to all the jittery residents of those cities.
This page was made available to papers around the end of January 1942, but most papers didn’t print it until February.